Browsing by Author "Sancar, Mithat"

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    1960 Sonrası Türkiye'de sivil itaatsizlik eylemleri ve düşünce suçuna karşı girişim hareketi
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2003) Uran, Peri; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    Civil disobedience is an illegal political act built on common justice understanding expressed in a social agreement, or constitution which rejects violence and is resorted when all legal ways come to an end against serious injustice emerging in a democratic system where in some way just relations prevail. Civil disobedience differs basically from other legal protesting types with its such features as violating a legal norm, being committed against egoistic and usual violations of law with an ethic - political motivation worth considering and respecting, being open to public against criminal acts committed secretly, its openness and being not violent to public according to the situation against classical resistance right, revolution, coup d'etat, and being ready to bear the results of the act against possible insincerity claims. Civil disobedience can be regarded as a tool for citizens to interrogate themselves and self improvement of democracy, and an opportunity for thinking once again of the steps taken, nearing one step more to democracy. In a process where the system desensitises, civil disobedience should be considered as a means for curing democracy. In accordance with the ability to think which is accepted as being synonymous with the existence of human beings in Descartes* proposition as "Cogito, Ergo Sum", liberty of thought and liberty of expression are the core of the human rights and freedoms. Now that the sine qua non of a democratic system is the participation of public to administration, the public should be able to participate in administration and express thoughts freely to influence the administration. Within this context, every act preventing the expression of thoughts freely functions as a tool for preventing the democratic system from developing and taking roots. Actions which dominated Turkey's agenda for a long time and was talked a lot, and for which many people participated are those actions named as "Action Movement Against Intellectual Crime". While initiating such actions the target was set as cleaning out the laws from articles which prohibit, restrict and suppress "thought and expression". Taking the saying of Voltaire, one of the leaders of the French Revolution, as" I do not agree with any of your words but I defend your right to express forever" as a point of departure. Action Movement Against Intellectual Crime gathered the people having different identities under the same purpose and action framework. Civil disobedience is a call to the majority, a message sent. This call targets the existence of a common understanding of justice in a society. The actors of the Action Movement Against Intellectual Crime made a call to the public and political decision - taking bodies who are the value designs of the society by translating this movement into life.
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    Adil yargılanma hakkı ve ifade özgürlüğü çerçevesinde adil yargılamayı etkilemeye teşebbüs suçu
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2013) Keskin, Onur Can; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
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    AİHM kararları ışığında adil yargılanma hakkında makul süre
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Akkurt, Kemal; Sancar, Mithat
    Türkiye, AİHS’i ve 1 nolu protokolü 1954 yılında onaylamış, AİHM’e Bireysel Başvuru Hakkını 1987 yılında tanımış, 21 Ocak 1990 tarihinde de AİHM’in zorunlu yargılama yetkisini kabul etmiştir. Bugün için AİHM’e Rusya’dan sonra hakkında en çok başvuru yapılan ülke Türkiye’dir. İhlaller yönünden ise, ilk sırada Türkiye bulunmaktadır. Ülkemizin AİHM’de en çok mahkûm olduğu madde, AİHS’in 6. maddesindeki “Adil Yargılanma Hakkı”dır. Adil Yargılanma Hakkı’nın en çok ihlal edilen bölümü ise “Makul Süre” dir. Gerek hukuk davaları, gerek idarî davalar ve gerekse ceza davalarına baktığımızda, davaların büyük bir kısmının adil yargılanma hakkı açısından AİHM standartlarının çok gerisinde kaldığı, makul sürede tamamlanamadığı görülmektedir. Çalışmamızda, gerek yerel mahkemelerde ve gerekse temyiz mahkemelerinde davaların uzama nedenleri; yargıçlardan, avukatlardan ve davanın taraflarından kaynaklanan nedenler üzerinde durulmuştur. İncelememizde referans alınan ölçüt, esas olarak AİHM kararları olmuştur. Referans alınan metinler; başta İHEB, AİHS, AİHM kararları, Anayasa ve ilgili yasalardır. AİHM kararları ile içtihatlaşan makul süre irdelenirken, davanın karmaşıklığı, başvurucunun, adli ve idarî makamların davranışları, yetkili makamların kusur ve ihmali ve yapısal sorunlar göz önüne alınmaktadır. Mahkemelerdeki iş yükü, mahkemelerin performansı, adli kolluğun bulunup bulunmaması, hakim ve savcı sayılarının yeterli olup olmaması, hakim ve savcı harici personelin sayısı, mahkemelerdeki uzmanlaşma konusu, bilirkişilik sistemi, yargıda teknolojinin kullanılma derecesi, yargılamanın adil olup olmadığını belirleyen faktörler arasındadır. Yargılamayı hızlandıran faktörler olarak ise; uzlaşma, arabuluculuk ve avukatların rolü sayılabilir. AİHM’e yapılan başvuruların katlanarak artması, kişilerin iç hukukta yeterli düzeyde hak ve özgürlüklerinin garanti altında olmadığını ya da düşündükleri haklarını elde edemediklerini göstermektedir. Uzun tutukluluk süreleri ve uzun yargılamalar, kişilerin yargıya ve adalete olan güvenlerini sarsmaktadır.Abstract Turkey, ratified the ECHR and Protocol No. 1 in 1954, and in 1987 recognized the right of individual application to the ECtHR, and on January 21 1990, adopted the compulsory jurisdiction of the ECHR. Today, Turkey is the second country, after Russia, in the number of the applications to the ECHR. Under violation of terms, Turkey is in the first place of the list. Turkey’s most sentences in the ECtHR is depending to the Article 6, "Right to a Fair Trial". Most frequently violated part of the Article 6 “Right to a fair trial” is the "reasonable time". When we look at the both lawsuits, administrative and criminal cases; majority of cases remain far behind to meet the right to a fair trial standards of ECHR and cannot be completed in reasonable time. This study focuses on the causes of prolongation arising from judges, lawyers and the parties of the cases, both in the local courts and courts of appeal. In our review, the reference criterion bases on the decisions of the Court. Reference texts of this study are, the UDHR, the ECHR, the ECtHR decisions, the Constitution and relevant laws of Turkey. During the study of reasonable time principle with the decisions of the ECHR; the complexity of the case; behavior, negligence and gross negligence of the applicants’, judicial and administrative authorities'; and the structural problems are taken into consideration. Workload of the courts, performance of the courts, the availability of judicial police, and the sufficiency of the number of judges and prosecutors, and the number of other personnel, the issue of specialization the courts, expert witness system, the degree of the use of technology in judiciary, are among the factors that determine whether a trial is fair or not. Conciliation, mediation and role of lawyers may be counted among the factors that accelerate the proceedings. Exponential growth applications to the ECHR shows that guarantees of the rights and freedoms of persons under domestic law is not adequate or people cannot obtain to rights that they think they are entitled to. Long detention times and long trials, undermines their confidence in the judiciary and justice.
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    AİHM kararları ışığında adil yargılanma hakkında makul süre
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Akkurt, Kemal; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    Today, Turkey is the second country, after Russia, in the number of the applications to the ECHR. Under violation of terms, Turkey is in the first place of the list. Turkey?s most sentences in the ECtHR is depending to the Article 6, "Right to a Fair Trial". Most frequently violated part of the Article 6 ?Right to a fair trial? is the "reasonable time".When we look at the both lawsuits, administrative and criminal cases; majority of cases remain far behind to meet the right to a fair trial standards of ECHR and cannot be completed in reasonable time.This study focuses on the causes of prolongation arising from judges, lawyers and the parties of the cases, both in the local courts and courts of appeal. In our review, the reference criterion bases on the decisions of the Court. Reference texts of this study are, the UDHR, the ECHR, the ECtHR decisions, the Constitution and relevant laws of Turkey.During the study of reasonable time principle with the decisions of the ECHR; the complexity of the case; behavior, negligence and gross negligence of the applicants?, judicial and administrative authorities'; and the structural problems are taken into consideration.Workload of the courts, performance of the courts, the availability of judicial police, and the sufficiency of the number of judges and prosecutors, and the number of other personnel, the issue of specialization the courts, expert witness system, the degree of the use of technology in judiciary, are among the factors that determine whether a trial is fair or not.Conciliation, mediation and role of lawyers may be counted among the factors that accelerate the proceedings.Exponential growth applications to the ECHR shows that guarantees of the rights and freedoms of persons under domestic law is not adequate or people cannot obtain to rights that they think they are entitled to. Long detention times and long trials, undermines their confidence in the judiciary and justice.
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    Anayasal mülkiyet hakkı açısından kamulaştırma
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2013) Özel, Sadullah; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
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    Basın özgürlüğünün sınırlanmasında ilke sorunu
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007) Temiz, Özgür; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    The press, which is at the center of a democratic society and its political debates, makes use of its freedom as its the subject of right. Yet, for the interpretation of freedom of expression, the press makes it possible for `expression? not as a one-sided way but as an interactional right including the targeted recievers. In return for this, it is not only a right that the press provides information and news but also it is a democratic duty of the press towards the receivers and the whole public.In Turkey, the press has been purposed to be a tool for propoganda during the pre-Republic period and Republic period?s martial law, military interventions and through the laws, notifications or decrees. Throughout this period, the the right for criticism, the right to disseminate ideas and to air news independently, as well the public?s right to get informed has been massively damaged. Although after the analysis of Laws and Constitutions the rules of cencorship were never enacted during the Republic, through emergency laws and during the state of emergency some arragements which might stand for cencorship and implications which might substitute for arrangements were conducted as opposed to the press laws and the Constitution.The principles of the European Convention on Human Rights and Trials, which constitutes the base of Turkish laws and other arragements related to the freedom of the Press, have neither been stated in the local courts as caselaw nor used as a source in the laws. Yet, there is no legal barrier for the implication of this liberal thinking which has been laid down by the above mentioned principles and whose meaning is fully realized as freedom of debate in a democratic society. Although it cannot be stated that the freedom of the Press is restricted by cencorship, bans and authorization-permission, this dangers always sustain its existence through obscure statements and the states of emergencies.
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    Biyoteknoloji ve insan hakları
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2009) Çankaya, Hürol; Sancar, Mithat
    Geçen yüzyıldan miras kalan biyoteknoloji, yüzyılın başında İnsan Genomu Projesi'nin de tamamlanmasıyla birlikte yepyeni bir çağa girmiş ve tarımdan sağlığa kadar birçok alanda insanlık lehine büyük beklentiler yaratmıştır. Ancak, başta küresel iklim değişikliği olmak üzere, güncel ekolojik tehlikeler ve genel anlamda bilime ve teknolojiye duyulan güvensizlik de göz önüne alındığında, genetik mühendisliği, umut verdiği kadar bünyesinde yer alan bilime özgü bazı belirsizlikler nedeniyle, endişe kaynağı da olabilmektedir. Sadece bilimsel anlamda değil, bir popüler kültür ürünü olarak da gen kavramının yaşamımıza girdiği ve teknolojinin eşitsiz biçimde olsa da hayatın tüm alanlarına nüfuz ettiği tarihin bu dönüm noktasında, biyoteknolojinin sosyal sonuçları, özellikle insan hakları açısından önem taşımaktadır. Tarihsel olarak öjenik ile gündeme gelen genetik determinizm ideolojisinin, gelişen genetik mühendisliği ile yeniden toplumsal sorunlara suni çözümler olarak görülmemesi için, insan hakları açısından, başta ayrımcılık olmak üzere, mevcut ya da olası uygulamaların önüne geçmek amacıyla her şeyden önce yasal güvencelerin sağlanması zorunluluğu bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle, temel hakların yanında sağlık hakkı çerçevesindeki eşitsizliğin giderilmesini engelleyecek yeni insan hakları politikaları, dünyada var olan ve ?doğal? olmayan bölünmelerin, bu kez genetik anlamda geriye dönüşü olmayacak biçimde daha da derinleşmemesi için zorunlu görünmektedir.AbstractBiotechnology, as a legacy of the last century, has entered a new age at the beginning of the century with the accomplishment of Human Genome Project, and has also created great expectations in favor of humanity, in a variety of fields from agriculture to health. However, considering the current ecological hazards and specifically the global climate change, and the distrust to science and technology in general, the promising genetic engineering may also be a source of concern due to some inherent scientific ambiguities. At this turning point of history, when the concept of gene has become a part of our everyday lives not only scientifically but also as a product of popular culture, and when technology ?though unequally? penetrated all realms, biotechnology has vital social consequences in terms of human rights. The ideology of genetic determinism, which became a current issue with the politics of eugenics historically, is being revisited by the practices of developing genetic engineering. In order not to see the biotechnology again as an artificial solution to social problems, it is necessary to ensure legal regulations for human rights. Therefore, a new human rights politics seems essential, especially in the sense of fundamental rights as well as rights related with human health, to prevent irreparable steps towards genetic discrimination.
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    Devletin insan haklarını koruma mekanizmaları
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2005) Eroğlu, İzzet; Sancar, Mithat
    İnsan haklarının korunması günümüzün en önemli sorunlarından biridir. İnsan haklarını korumak devletin görevidir. Anayasanın 5. maddesinde de kişinin temel hak ve özgürlüklerini, sosyal hukuk devleti ve adalet ilkeleriyle bağdaşmayacak şekilde sınırlayan siyasal, ekonomik ve sosyal engelleri kaldırma ve insanın maddî ve manevî varlığının gelişmesi için gerekli şartları hazırlamanın devletin temel amaç ve görevi olduğu belirtilmiştir. İnsan haklarının korunması amacıyla yasama ve yürütme içerisinde çeşitli kurum ve birimler kurulmuştur. Bunlar insan haklarının korunmasına ve gelişmesine katkı sağlamakta, cezasızlık müessesesinin ortadan kalkması için gayret göstermektedirler. Yasama klasik parlamenter yollar ile insan hakları konusunda duyarlılığı artırmakta ve siyasî denetimi gerçekleştirmektedir. Buna ek olarak yasama bünyesinde İnsan Haklarını İnceleme Komisyonu ve Dilekçe Komisyonu kurulmuştur. 3686 sayılı Kanunla kurulan İHİK insan hakları ile ilgili gelişmeleri takip etmekte, söz konusu gelişmelerin uygulamalara uyumunu sağlamakta, insan hakları ihlâllerini araştırmakta ve başvuruları incelemektedir. Dilekçe Komisyonu ise dilekçe hakkı bağlamında yapılan başvuruları sonuçlandırmaktadır. Genel olarak insan hakları ihlâlleri yürütmeden kaynaklanmaktadır. Yürütme içerisinde insan hakları ile ilgili çok sayıda farklı özellikleri olan kurumsallaşmaya gidilmiştir. Yürütme içerisinde insan hakları kurumsallaşması dört ana başlık altında incelenmiştir. Bunlar: 1. İnsan haklarını koruma mekanizmaları 2. İnsan hakları birimleri 3. İnsan Haklarını araştırma ve inceleme birimleri 2. Kurulması planlanmış veya planlanan insan hakları kurumları. Yargı insan haklarını korumanın nihaî merciidir. Diğer insan haklarını koruma mekanizmaları tam olarak koruma sağlayamazken yargısal koruma insan haklarının kâmil manada korumasını gerçekleştirmektedir. Yargının insan haklarının korunmasını gerçekleştirebilmesi için bağımsız ve tarafsız bir adalet mekanizmasının kurulması zorunludur. İnsan haklarının korunması amacıyla yasama bünyesinde oluşturulan mekanizmalar parlamentonun konuya verdiği önemin bir göstergesi olarak büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bunlar tam bir koruma sağlamasalar da denetleyici ve tamamlayıcı yönleri ile insan haklarının 274 korunmasına katkı sağlamaktadır. Yürütme içerisinde oluşturulan birimler mekanizma olarak insan haklarının korunması işlevini yerine getirmekten uzaktır. Birçoğu prestij amaçlı kurulan yürütme içerisinde insan hakları kurum ve birimleri kaldırılarak etkin bir insan haklarını koruma mekanizması oluşturulmalıdır. Türkiye'de insan haklarının yargısal korumasında yapısal birçok sorun bulunmaktadır. Bu sebeple insan haklarının korunmasının sağlandığını iddia etmek zordur. Buna karşın insan haklarını koruma mekanizmalarından en etkini yargısal mekanizmadır. Bu mekanizmanın görevini tam olarak yapabilmesi için gerekli düzenlemeler yapılmalıdır.
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    Dil politikaları, dil hakları ve Türkiye’de uygulamaları
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Orhan, Salim; Sancar, Mithat
    İnsanın en temel vasıflarından biri konuşabiliyor olmasıdır. İnsanın konuşabilmesinin aracı, kendisiyle özdeşleşen ve kimliğinin temel taşını oluşturan, anadilidir. Kişinin anadili onun için sıradan bir dil değil, kendisini üretebilmesinin esas aracıdır. İnsanın anadilini kullanması, onurlu bir hayat sürebilmesi için gerekli olan en temel haklarındandır. Ancak uygulanan dil politikalarının çerçevesini dilsel insan haklarından ziyade, devletlerin ulusal kimlik politikaları belirlemektedir. Ulusçuluğun devlet modeli olan ulus-devlet, hem ulusal kimliği inşa etmek, hem de inşa ettiği ulusal kimliği devam ettirebilmek için dilin sembolik niteliğini politik bir araç olarak kullanmaktadır. Bu amaçla ulus devletler ülke içinde tek ve ortak bir dili hakim kılmaya çalışmaktadırlar. Bu tek dillilik politikası diğer dillerin asimile edilmesine yol açmaktadır. Tek dillilik (asimilasyonist) politikası ile dilsel insan hakları arasında doğal bir çatışma bulunmaktadır. Dil haklarının gelişmesiyle birlikte tek dillilik politikası tepki ile karşılanmaktadır. Uluslararası belgelerde dil hakları ile ilgili, yeterli/tatmin edici derecede olmasa da, birçok gelişme bulunmaktadır. Ancak bu belgelerin bir kısmının bağlayıcılığının olmaması ve devletlerin takdir yetkilerinin geniş olması nedeniyle devletler alışık oldukları dil politikalarını sürdürmektedirler. Bu bağlamda Türkiye’nin izlediği dil politikalarına bakıldığında, başta Anayasa ve diğer birçok yasa ile tek dillilik politikası korunmakta; eğitimde, siyasi hayatta ve diğer kamusal alanlarda Türkçe dışındaki dillerin kullanımına yönelik kısıtlamalar bulunmaktadır. Dil hakları talebine karşılık olarak son yıllarda bazı gelişmeler kaydedilse de, henüz dilsel çoğulculuktan ve çerçevesi dil hakları tarafından belirlenmiş bir dil politikasından çok uzak bir noktadadır.Abstract The basic characteristic of human is the ability to speak. The mother tongue, which is the basic tool of speaking, is the first language s/he learns and the milestone of her/his identity. The mother tongue of a person is not an ordinary language; on the contrary it is the source of life for her/him. The usage of mother tongue is one of the basic rights of a person which is necessary for sustaining an honorable life for herself/himself. However, the framework of the language policies are determined by the national identity policies of states instead of linguistic human rights. Nation-states exploit the symbolic characterictic of language both to construct a national identity and to sustain this constructed national identity. In this line, nation-states dominate one and common language in their domestic spheres. This monolingual policy causes the assimilation of other languages. There is a natural conflict between linguistic human rights and monolingual policies. As a result of the improvements in language rights, the monolingual policies receive a sharp reaction. There are a number of imrovements in international documents with regard to language rights although they are not satisfactory. The states continue to sustain their familiar language policies since some of these document are not binding for them and the power of states are too broad in order not to implement these resolutions. In this context, the monoligual policy is maintained with the constitution and other laws in Turkey. Although there are some imrovements with regard to language rights in Turkey, It is still far away from a linguistic plurality.
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    Bir etnik çatışma çözüm yöntemi olarak özerklik
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2015) Mızrak, Dilan; Sancar, Mithat
    Ulus devlet hâlâ makbul devlet biçimidir. Ancak bu devlet biçimi kendi ulusunu yaratma fikri ile ortaya çıkmasına rağmen söz konusu proje başarılı olmamıştır, zira çok küçük bazı devletler bir tarafa bırakılacak olursa bugün hemen her devletin, bünyesinde çeşitli sayıda azınlık barındırdığı görülmektedir. Modernleşmenin sağladığı imkânlar nedeniyle ulus devlet içinde yer alan farklı etnik grupların benzer koşullara sahip olacağı, dolayısıyla ülke içinde herhangi bir çatışma yaşanmayacağı düşünülmüşse de yaşadığımız yüzyıl devletlerarası çatışmaların çok ötesine geçen biçimde devlet içi etnik çatışmaların yaşandığı bir çağ olmuştur. Devletler bu etnik çatışmaları öncelikle bastırmaya, ceza ve güvenlik tedbirleriyle sorunların üstesinden gelmeye çalışmışsa da etkin yöntemin çatışmaların tekrarlanmayacak biçimde çözülmesi olduğu zamanla anlaşılmıştır. Sadece fiziksel değil, yapısal şiddetin de ortadan kalkmasını sağlamanın yolu ise azınlık haklarını güvence altına almak, demokratik usullerle her grubun yönetime etkin katılımını sağlamak ve gerektiği hallerde iktidarı paylaşmak ya da egemenliği kısmen devretmek olmuştur. Özerklik de çatışmaların çözümünde diğer bazı usullerin fayda sağlamaması üzerine tercih edilen bir yetki devri sistemidir. Özerkliğin üç farklı uygulaması söz konusu olup bunlar bölgesel özerklik, kültürel özerklik ve idari özerkliktir. Her bir özerklik türünün kendine göre olumlu ya da olumsuz yanları bulunmakta, farklı bölge ya da etnik çatışmalar bakımından farklı bir model başarı sağlamaktadır. Özerkliğin hukuki altyapısına bakılacak olursa, mevcut uluslararası hukuk düzeninde özerklik biçiminde bir hakkın yer almadığı, ancak azınlık hakları, ulusların kendi kaderini tayin hakkı gibi haklar ile temellendirilebileceği görülmektedir. Abstract Nation state is still accepted to be the ideal form of state. However, despite coming out to create its own nation, this project failed for today besides some very small states, almost every state comprises of a number of different ethnic minorities. Due to the possibilities of modernization, different ethnic groups in a nation state were thought to have similar opportunities and consequently, an ethnic conflict would not take place. But in contrary, this era has been the century of ethnic conflicts. States firstly tried to impress these conflicts, solve the problems by means of punishment and security measures; however after a while it was understood that the efficient solution was to solve conflicts as preventing to repeat again. The way of removing not only physical violance but also structural violance is ensuring minority rights, providing every group to to take part efficiently in state administration and if necessary sharing power or transfer the sovereignty partially. Autonomy is also a system of transferring powers if the other methods to resolve conflicts became unsuccessful. Generally three sorts of autonomy are counted. Regional or political autonomy for an ethnic group living in a region intensely; if the group is spread out through the state cultural autonomy and a way of transferring solely some administrative powers local autonomy. All of these sorts of autonomies have advantages and disadvantages, for some regions or ethnic groups one kind of autonomy is the perfect solution but for the other not. To look over the legal substructure of autonomy, present international law does not include a right to autonomy, but such a right may be based on minority rights or right to self-determination.
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    Etnik çatışmaların çözümlenmesi: Kıbrıs örneği
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2010) Orbay, Seda; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    The pivotal theme of this thesis consists of the ethnicity phenomenon. Ethnicity is one of the key contemporary concepts that is being realized more with the contraversial impacts of modernity. Since ethnic identities have strong emotional characters, studying conflicting or conflict prone ethnic phenomena takes place in one of the most problematic study areas where methods of social sciences encounters intense dillemmas. Clarifying historical and theoretical backgrounds concerning pheomena of ethnicity and evaluating theories of ethnicity in a comparative and critical manner would provide us descriptive, explanatory and solution producing approaches in dealing with ethnic problems.Many academician, who carry out studies with in the framework of social sciences, are recently in an effort of answering many questions on the etnicity phenomenon. Primary problem is emerged on the ethnic groups and boundaries. In this point, the main emphasis is on how the ethnic groups envisaged and how the boundaries conserved. Another problem is emerged on the ethnic conflict phenomenon and the resolution of these conflicts. In the framework of this thesis work carried out here, the "ethnicity" as a phenomenon that appears on all these problems will be trying to get through certain data. However, while the ethnic conflict phenomenon will be investigated, the focus will mostly be on legal remedies.
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    Hukuk ve politika ilişkisi: Eleştirel hukuk çalışmaları ve hukukun politik karakteri
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Akman, Şefik Taylan; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    The classical approaches to law are based on the premise that there is an unequivocal distinction between the law and the politics. In this context, the law is accepted as a field which is impartial, objective and certain, and in which predictable results are achievable. At the same time, the classical approaches distinguish the law from the politics explicitly and see it as a phenomenon to be considered on its own. These approaches, which evaluate the law with a formalistic method, shaped the legal order to justify the needs the politic and economic liberalism. Thus, the principles of the liberal legal order emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries. However, beginning from the early 20th century, objections to the introverted legal perception, which focused on the assessment of law only with legal instruments, have arisen. First, the Legal Realism School, then the Critical Legal Studies movement examined the conclusions of the liberal interpretation of law from a critical perspective. Particularly the Critical Legal Studies movement defended the ?law is political? proposition on the basis that the law is indeterminate, partial and ideological.In this study, basically, a holistic review and critique of the liberal legal order will made. In this context, by considering issues like legal order, legal norm, formalist and objectivist legal approaches, indeterminacy thesis, partiality and ideological character of law, an attempt will be made to develop a structural analysis towards to the law. Additionally, the function of the liberal legal order protecting the existing economic and political status quo will be investigated, and the convertibility potentials of law through its contentious use will be questioned. Finally, the meanings of the freedom of contract, property rights, the rule of law and generally the system of rights under the liberal system will be reviewed.
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    İletişim özgürlüğü ve yayın denetimi
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2001) Çankaya, Hürol; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    In recent years, the media has become a threat to the freedom of communication owing to its new ecomomic structure. The globalization of mass communications has allowed for the growth of media conglomerates. The control of the oligopoly over the media has led to a controversy about the citizens' democratic rights to free information. Throuhgout this study the legal and economic consequences of the changing communications landscape are considered. The point of view which underlines the political power as the only dominant factor in this field does not help us to find out this issue any more. The liberal theory of press freedom is rooted in the freedom to publish without being subject to censorship by the state. This approach misses the fact that the media tends to report or interpret the world in ways which are consonant with the interests of the dominant classes. Symptoms of these changes can be seen in the general move towards deregulation in the broadcasting and telecommunications sectors. The broadcasting authorities were constitued to control the broadcasting sector all over the world. In Turkey the step taken in this direction was the establishment of The Radio and Television Supreme Council as a symbol of this process. The Supreme Council could not manage to be a guarantee for the freedom of communication. On the contrary it seems to be under pressure of the political and economic powers; and this shows us that it is still necessary to establish an autonomous authority to make progress in broadcasting for freedom of communication
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    Refah devletinin krizi kıskacında ekonomik-sosyal haklar ve devletin yükümlülükleri
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2010) Dericiler, Özge Yücel; Sancar, Mithat; Other
    This dissertation focuses on economic-social rights, the most controversial and neglected category of human rights law. Throughout the dissertation, alongside the philosophical and ideological reasons behind the negligence towards economic-social rights; current situation and the future of rights are discussed in the context of the crisis threatening the welfare state principle in which said rights are well protected and implemented.Dissertation consists of three main chapters. In the first chapter, parallel development processes of economic-social rights, welfare state and modern social policy are analyzed. Although the role played by the state varies in different welfare regimes, welfare state as a polity designates an active role and gives positive obligations to the state, regarding the organization of economic and social life. One of the fundamental components of welfare state is the construction of social policies on the basis of economic-social rights. Consequently, declaring that the welfare state has come to an end requires the abandonment of state?s obligations regarding economic-social rights, and deserting said rights to uncertainty. However, positive obligations towards the protection and encouragement of human rights are brought to states also as part of international human rights law. This matter is discussed mainly in the second chapter of the dissertation.Second chapter is mainly about the analysis of basic norms and mechanisms of economic-social rights in the context of international human rights law. In this chapter, economic-social rights are analyzed in the context of UN, ILO and European Council systems. In the dissertation, American and African human rights systems are mentioned only by outlines and in connection to the topic; while the EU, sub system of European Council, is excluded.As with all the rights, state has three fundamental obligations regarding economic-social rights: to protect, to respect, and to fulfill. States should work on implementing economic-social rights, with taking the comments developed by the relevant mechanisms according to the conventions that they have signed into consideration.In the third and last chapter of the dissertation, economic-social rights are analyzed in the context of the groups under risk, and it is attempted to determine the responsibilities of the state towards these groups. The risk groups put under analysis are women, children, people of old age, handicapped, minorities and indigenous people.
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    Siyasal hak ve özgürlüklerin kapsamı ve sınırları
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Zabunoğlu, Hamdi Gökçe; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    In this study examines the scope of concept of political rights and freedom that are always up to date. The study consists of three main parts.The first chapter was examined the concept of political rights and free-doms with political rights the historical development of Turkey and the world. In the second part are discussed types of political rights in the context of regulation in the 1982 Constitution.The scope and limits of political rights is forming the third chapter of the thesis. In this section, investigated the prohibition of abuse of fundamental rights and the effects of political rights of this ban. Political parties are indispensable elements of democratic life. An analysis of the decisions of ECHR as well regard to the cases of the politcal parties banned by TCC takes place here in this study.Finally, it ended with a conclusion that analyses and touches.
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    Ulus-devletin dönüşümü ve meşruluk sorunu
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007) Çoşkun, Abdulvahap; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    The nation-state is a modern form of state which has its existence on a territory, having the right of using legal power, and aiming to homogenize the people under its administration through gathering and integrating them around common culture and values. This model having gained the status of regulating international affairs within a short time after stepping into the stage of history, has always been the most focal point. To be sovereign nation-state provided the states absolute independence at home and to be an equal, respectful member of the world community outside. Therefore, the nation-state, especially in the 20th century, became the most widespread political organization form. Just as other power organizations, the nation-state, as well, needs the ground of legitimacy. With a view to legitimizing and protecting their existence, the nation-state has to be recognized as legitimate among people under its administration. In this study, three major frames of reference the nation-state applies to in order to legitimize themselves have been analyzed. Firstly, it has to provide physical security (Hobbes); secondly, it has to transform humans, who compromise the nation that symbolizes the source of sovereignty (Rousseau), into citizens who have a distinctive cultural identity, and hence to have them have rights and liabilities (Locke); thirdly, to improve the welfare of its citizens in general, yet to develop political and economic programmes to improve the conditions of the disadvantaged in society in particular. The three references of legitimacy of the nation-state have begun to deteriorate along with the globalization process. Globalization, which is not a new fact yet has gained a great pace and various new dimensions recently, has engendered the economic and political borders between countries to be indistinct, the emergence of both affinities and differences in cultural, political and social spheres, the advent of liberal tendency and the more interdependence of the nation- states. All these changes and transformations have had deep impact on the nationstate. The concept of the nation-state has had to share some of its means and power with some other political and economic agents.Such power loss of the nation-state brought about the erosion and crisis of legitimacy on the one hand, and mooted the question of which political principles is the future to be formed by on the other hand. It is to be specified urgently that a certain and absolute answer to satisfy almost everybody has not been found in arguments carried out in this sense. The aim of this study is to comprehend and make contributions to discussions ongoing and expected to endure longer. The study consists of four chapters: In the first chapter, the concept of legitimacy has been clarified and the changes of the references of legitimacy in the course of history have been examined. In the second chapter, the comprehensive sources of the form of state and of the modern-state have been examined firstly, and an analysis on the model of the nation-state as a modern fact secondly. In this chapter, the truth of the concept of nation that is the reference of sovereignty and legitimacy in the nation-state has been expounded and then a discussion of whether this corresponded to a natural data or something built . The third chapter consists of two sections. In the first section, the references of legitimacy (security, citizenship, and social state) of the nation-state have been examined in detail. In the second section, the subject of globalization, which undermines the references cited above and symbolizes a social change, has been dealt with. The fourth, the last, chapter consists of two sections as well. The first section argues how the nation-state has lost its ground of legitimacy in terms of economic and political deterioration in the wake of globalization. The second section argues the possible new criteria of legitimacy and the pursuance of the formation of the future society and the major parameters of this endeavor.
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    Zorunlu askerlik hizmetine karşı vicdani ret
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2008) Mızrak, Dilan; Sancar, Mithat; Hukuk
    The fact that, a human being should act according to the convictions of his/her conscience; furthermore, because of constituting one of the indispensable rights, this act should be thought natural is accepted by most of the people. But when the subject is to think that, an obligation enforced by state is contrary to conscientious beliefs, aforementioned point of view radically changes. Modern state, inevitably founded as a result of wars, regarded the necessity of establishing army and compulsory military service for the purpose of protecting itself. Consequently, refusing the obligation to compulsory military service because of profound convictions is one of the fields bringing two clashing values face to face to a great degree: These are liberty and security. It is therefore, today conscientious objection still has no absolute legal recognition in domestic laws or international area. Any of the internationally binding conventions explicitly refers to a right to conscientious objection to compulsory military service and again, the international bodies vested with judicial power which are expected to answer the question whether the right to conscientious objection to military service can be involved in freedom of thought, conscience and religion prefer to let the subject decided in domestic law of each state. The states recognizing the right to conscientious objection limit the acknowledgement for particular motives, particular forms relevant to the scope of convictions and as a result for particular applications. At this point, if the political path fallowed by Turkey is examined, it shall be realised that the compulsory military service still remains; furthermore, issues relating to military service and army are accepted `sensitive? and a strict manner is exposed when the subject is conscientious objection.