Cilt:52 (2021)
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Item The delimitation dispute of the maritime jurisdiction areas in the eastern mediterranean: turkish perspective based on the equitable principles(Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Fakültesi, 2021) Özkan, Arda; Kırval, Levent; Other; Uygulamalı Bilimler FakültesiWith the exploration of hydrocarbon reserves since the early 2000s, the Eastern Mediterranean has become the focus of attention of global and regional actors. Following the exploration of oil and gas resources, some littoral states signed maritime delimitation agreements. However, due to the fact that the region is geographically a narrow sea, the disputed maritime jurisdiction areas of the parties caused several political problems. One important aspect of the political disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean (Cyprus problem, Arab-Israeli conflict, etc) is related with the undecided maritime jurisdiction areas in the region. This dispute is between Greece, Turkey, Cyprus (North and South), Israel, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Lebanon and the UK in the Eastern Mediterranean. This problem has become more important with the offshore hydrocarbon explorations (oil and gas) carried out around Cyprus. In this context, this article will analyse the delimitation of the maritime areas in the region and the recent hydrocarbon exploration activities. It will mostly focus on the Turkish view about the delimitation of maritime jurisdiction areas in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of principles of international law of the sea.Item ‘Soft tensions’ on the eastern mediterranean and reflections on turkish diplomacy: meis and samos ısland cases in the 1920-1930s(Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Fakültesi, 2021) Vardağlı, Emine Tutku; Other; OtherThis study focuses on the diplomatic responses of Turkey to the power struggles on the Eastern Mediterranean during the interwar period. After the Lausanne Treaty in 1923, Turkey had to tackle with the unsettled territorial border questions with the Great Powers. Specifically, the Mousul dispute with Britain and Alexandria dispute with France have long been discussed. However, the maritime border questions in the same period have not attracted much scholarly attention. Taking into account the delicate balances on the Aegean Sea and its significance for the Eastern Mediterranean politics in the interwar period, this study analyzes the diplomatic responses of Turkey to this issue. Two major ‘soft tension’ cases on the Aegean are examined in depth in reference to the historical sources, namely the Meis Island (Castellorizo) tension with Italy and Samos incident with Britain. These cases are elucidated in the framework of the “soft tension” notion, which is introduced to the literature as a new analyical instrument. The Turkish diplomatic attitude in regard to these maritime tensions is described in reference to a position which is called “defensive proactivity”. It is argued that managing these soft tensions with the Great Powers during the critical atmosphere of the interwar era contributed to the diplomatic competences of Turkey as one of the new actors of the international order. So that it was able to follow a more competent strategy during the Second World War.Item Safe area theory and practice: security for civilians or creating new states of exception during humanitarian crises?(Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Fakültesi, 2021) Turan, Gözde; Other; OtherDrawing on the notion of “safe area” not only as a geographical but also a social construct, this article argues that the efforts of aiding civilians at risk through confining them to bordered areas increase the insecurities experienced both inside and outside of these areas by multiple actors. Exemplifying four cases – Iraq, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Syria – it revokes Agamben’s concept of homo sacer to display how the civilians are reduced to bare lives who are excluded from the political sphere and whose killing has been excluded from political and judicial scrutiny. A comparative study on the four situations indicates widening and deepening insecurities for the civilian populations who lose their manoeuvre capacity to respond to security threats and who become dependent particularly on external aid to survive. While revisiting the main causes of failure to protect civilians at risk during armed conflicts, the article suggests that safe areas should be treated as spatial domains with multiple actors holding competing concerns and interests, and encourages reconsideration of the implications of constructing confined spaces during humanitarian crises without full political and military commitment and liability.Item Devlet olmayan aktörlere karşı kuvvet kullanılması: ışid ile mücadele örneği(Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Fakültesi, 2021) Meriç, Ahmet Bülent; Other; OtherKüreselleşme, uluslararası sistemin yapısını değiştirmektedir. Devlet olmayan kuruluşlar da, ulus devletlerin yanında, uluslararası sistemin aktörü konumuna gelmişlerdir. Sistemin değişiminin uluslararası güvenlik ortamına da çok belirgin etkileri olmuştur. Günümüzde devletler, birbirleriyle doğrudan çatışma ortamına girmekten kaçınmaktadırlar. Bunun yerine, savaş mı yoksa barış mı olduğu belirsiz koşullarda ve muharebe alanı belli olmayan, sivil ve asker arasındaki kesin ayırımın ortadan kalkmış bulunduğu, muğlak bir ortamda yürütülen mücadele ile hasımlarını yıpratmayı hedeflemektedirler. Devletler, uzun soluklu bu mücadelede devlet-dışı aktörler ve bilişim teknolojisindeki ilerlemeden yararlanmaktadırlar. İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın bitiminde, ulus devlet merkezli sisteme göre geliştirilmiş bulunan uluslararası hukuk ve Birleşmiş Milletler sistemi, bugünün siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik gerçeklerine uyum sağlayamamaktadır. Bu durum özellikle uluslararası hukukun kuvvet kullanma doktrininde çarpıcı biçimde görülmektedir. Küresel güçler başta olmak üzere devletler, siyasi hedefleri uğruna, yorum yoluyla uluslararası hukuku farklı uygulayarak ve hatta bu hukuku ihlal ederek, kuvvet kullanmada sakınca görmemektedirler. Bunun en son ve göze batan örneği uluslararası toplumun IŞİD’e karşı mücadelesidir.