Mutlu, ErolKejanıoğlu, Dilek Beybin2022-05-272022-05-271998http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12575/80510We have witnessed a kind of turmoil in broadcasting in the 1980's and early 1990's all over the world. Turkey is not and cannot be an exception. Yet it has its own pecularities in the process of change from state monopoly in broadcasting towards a dual system with commercial undertakings. This study attempts to highlight this process. As the pecularities of Turkey has been emphasized along with the global changes in broadcasting structures, this study has to have a double aim. First, it aims to develop an operational model of changes in broadcasting policy and systemic change in broadcasting by clarifying the agents and factors both costraining and enabling, both national and international. The interdisciplinary nature of the analyses of "broadcasting policy" has directed us to locate this recent area of study into a wider context of social sciences and humanities. Then, a framework has been built through using studies of critical European neo-pluralist and European and American neo-Marxist scholars including political economy approach in international communications. Yet, a version of cultural studies from Australia and some non-Western studies on communications policy have been included to reserve differences between Western and Turkish politics. The second and the main aim of the study is, as pointed out above, to reveal the broadcasting policy/policies in Turkey from 1980 to 1994 through examining the political process and political and economic dimensions of broadcasting. Accordingly, four arguments have been posed: (l)passing to a dual system in broadcasting in Turkey is predictable; (2)non-policy is a policy; (3)Turkish public is out of consideration in policy process; (4)broadcasting in Turkey is seen both as an important part of consumerist orientation in economy and culture articulated with islamic and nationalistic currents and as an area to be tightly controlled by the state under cover of "national security." The evaluation of the data shows that the model should be modified, especially most of the actors identified as institutions and their logic, according to the working of politics in Turkey. And as a conclusion, the findings can be listed as follows: (l)though passing to a 338dual broadcasting system in Turkey has been foreseeable, elements in policy process and changes in policies have been hard to predict; (2)policy in one area should be analysed in relation to the policies in related areas and there have been both explicit and implicit policies in broadcasting in Turkey in the late 80's and early 90's; (3)in broadcasting policy arena, though a democratic(-elitist) tendency in policy-making for a short time-span could be detected in this period, Turkish public has usually been regarded as inhabitants subject to the state, passive recipients of governmental actions and as consumers rather than as "citizens" whether active or not; and (4)"national security" appears as the most important term in broadcasting policy-making but as this study has remained limited in understanding structuration of media industry in Turkey and in examining broadcasting as an symbolic activity, arguments about media economics and consumer culture could only be posed generally -as general as (re)asserting obvious concentration and consumerist orientation in media-; in fact, more resesarch is needed.trRadyo-TelevizyondoctoralThesis